Main Theme:
China Effect: Securing Taiwan in the Age of Conflicts and Cooperation

Minor Themes:
A). Beyond the Political Economy of Natural Disaster and Calamity: Toward a Humanitarian Recovery and Sustainable Development
B). Reconsidering and Destabilizing the Category of “Minorities”: Civil Society and its Discontents
C). Cultures of Ocean and Land: The Construction of Taiwanese Histories and Identities by Cultural and Creative Industries

更多訊息請見NATSA網站.

“This is a performance acted by soul…Ten strong men from majority nationalities, common farmers from 16 villages, it is the over 500 non-professional dark-skinned performers…They use the most original actions, the most native songs, the most boiling hot sweat, dancing with the heaven, singing with the nature, bringing absolute shock to your hearts.”

This is a quotation from a pamphlet introducing an “original ecology” (yuanshengtai) performance in northwest Yunnan, China. According to the words of the pamphlet, an “original ecology” performance is especially characterized by “farmers,” “unprofessional performers,” “native,” and “nature.” “Original ecology” performances have become not only the way for the world to imagine northwest Yunnan, but also the stage for the local farmers, the so-called “unprofessional performers,” to perform their identity as a new way for livelihoods. “Original ecology” performances, therefore, have provided an arena for investigating the relationship between place-making and politics of body in the context of post-socialist development. On the one hand, the image and rhetoric of “original ecology” performance has made the performers of ethnic minorities rearticulate their bodies with the capitalized imagination of a lost utopian society. On the other hand, “original ecology” performance becomes the “embodiment” of a new post-socialist imaginary life, in which ethnic minorities in northwest Yunnan are marching ahead together with the Chinese state into a future of economic well-being and modernity. Therefore, behind this emerging style of performance is a relational process mobilizing “ethnic body” as an essential landscape for place-making of post-socialist development.

書蟲書吧 （北京三里屯）

書蟲書吧被 Beijinger 稱北京最棒的無線網路咖啡店

十二月十四日下午三點多

大師：服務員, 你們網路好像有問題, MSN 和 Google Talk 都用不了, 而且開網頁的速度很慢。

服務員：好的, 我去跟經理說一下, 不過我預期不會有什麼幫助。（痞子揚坐在一旁 OS: 那你可不可以作一些有幫助的事？)

大師：那麼其他客人也有一樣的問題嗎？

服務員：啊？我們這裡的網路向來都是很慢的呀。(痞子揚徹底暈倒)

多樂之日（北京三里屯）

(2)三里屯多樂之日麵包店

十二月十四日下午五點多

客人：服務員, 你們這土司麵包可以買單片嗎？（痞子揚OS: 你有點過一條麵, 或是一粒飯嗎？）

服務員: 不可以

客人：為什麼？這麼大一條土司（其實就只有半條) 根本吃不完呀, 會壞掉呀！

服務員：那你可以不要買。（痞子揚OS: 你不會建議她買其他的麵包啊？）

痞子揚（火上加油）：ㄟ, 她叫你不要買耶, 那就別買了。

客人暴怒, 把土司丟回架上, 開門就走, 走時喊了一句: 『我就不信我會因為這樣餓死！』

服務員: 那你就去餓死吧！（痞子揚OS: 你沒看到店裡還有其他客人嗎…)

AAA 2009 Annual Meeting: Session AbstractLandscape under Connections: Networks and Encounters of Place-Making in East and Southeast Asia

Up until the mid-1970’s, social science in general took landscape as a tangible object “out there” to be empirically accessed, described and researched. At this time, social scientists traced the evolution of landscape by emphasizing reconstruction of the past and privileged the non-urban or pre-industrial sites for landscape studies. Since the 1980’s, looking for more engagement with the wider social context in which cultures are formed and explained, social scientists of landscape studies started conceptualizing landscape as the manifestation of critical sociopolitical issues like difference, inequality, power, exclusion, social stratification, etc. However, this vibrant theoretical ferment of landscape studies has confronted another challenge resulting from the scenarios of multi-scale connections between different actors working with diverse objectives, and a reorientation of studies seems imperative to understand the significance of landscape under current multi-scale connections. Accordingly, incorporating different studies in and of East Asia and Southeast Asia, this session intends to regroup landscape studies by dealing with three related sets of theoretical frameworks:

1) Landscape as the arena for different actors to work with diverse objectives: This discussion highlights landscape as the arena for different actors to work with diverse objectives. The networks between different actors will then (re)shape the relationship between the global market economy, power of the state, and local people’s everyday life. The actors include the entrepreneurs, governmental officials, local elites, ethnic minority laborers, researchers, etc. These actors work with diverse objectives, including profit making, poverty alleviation, political control, livelihood earning, sustainable development, and natural conservation. On the one hand, the physical forms and symbolic meanings of landscape are changed by these disparate actors and objectives; on the other, landscape is also the imperative element for these heterogeneous actors to forge and sustain the networks between them.

2) Place-making as an ongoing event mobilizing interrelations between the landscape and other actors:  Different actors are not automatically forged in a network. On the contrary, the practice of a network, to connect, is contingent on and initiated by specific social events in space and time. Our session consists of different papers addressing diverse ongoing events mobilizing and sustaining the connections between disparate actors in place-making, be they entrepreneurs, the state, or local ethnic minorities. It is also the process of place-making as the force specifically pulling the landscape into the network linking different actors.

3) Landscape as manifestation of the contingent encounters between different groups of people: Landscape has been shaped by historical contingencies of encounters between different groups of people. These different groups of people brought different perceptions of landscape to create meanings for a place. However, this does not designate landscape only as a passive receiver of historically imposed meanings, but an active participant in place-making. As a result, place-making in the era of globalization is assumed as a particular combination where multi-scale connections interweave with meanings and practices previously “sedimented” in the local landscapes.

2009年7月16日10點59分，IP位址為「222.94.255.*」的網友在中國』百度貼吧魔獸世界』發表了第一個題目為「賈君鵬你媽媽喊你回家吃飯」、內容為RT（意為「如題」）的貼子。過了3分鐘「賈君鵬」在帖子中第6樓出現，並說不回去吃飯，但網友發現此賬號註冊時間為11點02分，是個後註冊ID。後來回貼中賈家「親友」幾乎傾巢而出。還有不少網民借題發揮，衍生出各類二次創作，如將這一句話製作成各類惡搞圖片，或是將其翻譯成各國文字，甚至為賈君鵬以文言立傳。截止第三日7點48分，用電腦在此帖發言，顯示已經達到回貼數上限，此時點擊數為7,818,740，回帖數為302,259，是魔獸世界吧7月第一個超過萬樓的高樓。

社會心理學家林明崖將這一現象歸結為網民的「群體演繹」和「虛擬發揮」。一般認為，產生這一奇觀的直接原因在於魔獸玩家的精神寂寞。網路遊戲《魔獸世界》在中國代理權易手之後，新東家網易因審批原因遲遲無法開服，至該帖出現時已有40餘天。廣大魔獸玩家因無遊戲可玩寂寞無聊，藉此發泄。在網民的跟帖中，出現頻率很高的一條即為：「我們跟的不是帖子，是寂寞。」。

亦有人試圖從更深層次解讀該現象。據分析，「媽媽喊你回家吃飯」這樣富有溫情的字句引起了大家的共鳴，激起了沉溺於網路遊戲的玩家內心對家庭的愧疚感，當是最初階段帖子迅速被人關注的重要原因。關注此帖的網民達到一定數量後，湊熱鬧的人開始出現，後面的有些跟帖越來越無厘頭，產生典型的群體無意識行為。有網民認為「賈君鵬」實際上代指的是《魔獸世界》，該現象體現了眾玩家期望早日開服的心境，是如同「打醬油」一般，呼喚早日開服的一種隱晦表達。還有人認為，該帖之所以爆紅，是因為喚起了現代人心頭的兒時回憶。

節錄自維基百科』賈君鵬事件『, 內容稍有修改。

今天早上起了個大早去五環外立水橋地鐵站旁的人力市場, 目的是找建築拆遷工人作訪談。這』人力市場』不算是正規的地方, 而是一個路邊的小廣場, 每天會聚集好幾百位農民工在這裡找臨時或短期的工作。在這裡, 人力交易的方式非常簡單：建築公司或拆遷公司如果需要人手, 就打電話叫一輛黑車來載人; 黑車到了這裡, 工頭喊一個價錢, 手一揮, 10幾個人就被載去上工了。

這不是我第一次在這裡作訪談, 但是今天到了這裡看到人山人海的求職者, 還是軟腳了。為了給自己作點心理準備, 我決定先去附近的小區走一走, 喝點東西。

這抗議的標語就是在這情況下被我撞見的: 『賈君鵬, 你媽媽喊你回家睡覺！媽媽, 火車太吵, 沒法睡！』 這裡的小區住戶很多是原本住在二環城內的拆遷戶, 房子被拆後, 就被安置到這離什麼都很遠的北五環外。居民抗議的對象是北京地鐵公司, 連接東直門和西直門的地鐵13號線日夜奔馳, 顯然成了居民的惡夢。這小區有4棟10幾層樓高的大廈, 每棟都掛了7-8層樓高的抗議布條。四幅超長布條以輓聯的顏色控訴這個城市對人的殘酷無情, 也算是北京的21世紀都市奇景。

我一開始沒想太多, 只是覺得這個抗議布條很搞笑, 還以為賈君鵬是某個小區居民的名字。回家後心血來潮查了一下, 才發現賈君鵬原來是個莫名其妙紅起來的網路虛擬人物。由寂寞魔友炒紅的虛擬人物走進了實體的城市參與都市政治, 北京真是個很妙的地方。

一人一袋米,支持農民站起來

用您最實際的行動，協助農民重建

一袋米訂購中

我們希望資源能給予真正需要幫助的人

我們只需要

一個看得見的未來

活動緣起

莫拉克颱風的來襲造成台灣農業重創，受災最嚴重的區域均集中在高雄縣與屏東縣的沿海地帶及山區鄉鎮，其中受創最深的首推南部的在地農民，這一群農民耕耘了大半輩子的努力被大水淹沒，連基本居住的基本需求都不能被保障，再次凸顯長久以來城鄉差距的問題。慶幸的是，自風災發生後，民眾自發性的動員，各團體積極投入災區物資募集與救助工作，我們看見了許多溫暖的力量。

但撇除受創最嚴重的山區，還有更多媒體大眾看不見的角落，像是社大長期關注合作的有機農友中，有許多幾乎農作與機具全毀，目前他們手頭上沒有重建的現金，但是卻有可保存的米，這一群農友真正需要的不是物資的資源，而是大眾後續支持的力量，社區大學發起「一人一袋米,支持農民站起來」，就是希望支持這一群農民一個可以看見的未來，保留捐助資源給真正需要的民眾，而透過實際購買購買農民手中仍有的米，成為支持農民重新站起來的力量。

活動時間

時間:98年8月15日下午3:00~6:00

地點: 高雄市第一社區大學校本部(高雄市立前金國中後棟－六合二路278號)

現場活動內容

*一人一袋米,支持農民站起來

1.美濃與大寮有機米預購中。

品項：白米　每袋2KG裝－200元

糙米　每袋2KG裝－200元

（活動當天現場取貨，如當天不克前來請於三天內至社區大學領取）

高雄市第一社區大學　　　　　 　　高雄市前金區六合二路278號

網址 : http://khhcu.sam.com.tw 聯絡電話：251-8200 傳真電話：291-5916

張維迎：中國民主化 靠穩定中產階級

【聯合報╱記者李志德／專訪】2009/07/15

政治民主化和經濟發展間的關係，是大陸研究的一個主要課題。張維迎受訪時不避諱地表示，中國政治民主化，是未來卅年必須面對的課題，但推動民主化時，先要有一個穩定、壯大的中產階級，才不致讓民主淪為暴民政治。

他說，國家的改革，最重要的就是兩個部分：政治民主化和經濟自由化，如何處理這兩者的關係，是一個高難度的議題。「但我可以說，鄧小平處理這兩個問題，有偉大的戰略，並且非常成功」。

他說，如果中國近年來的發展，給世界後進國家提供什麼正面的示範，那就是，「市場化要走在民主化前面」。…(原文在此)

痞子揚注:

北大光華管理學院院長張維迎來台灣訪問, 他說: 『中國 [...] 推動民主化時，先要有一個穩定、壯大的中產階級，才不致讓民主淪為暴民政治。』 這句話背後的意思是說, 為中國經濟成長作出重大犧牲的勞工與農民階級, 其實是一群暴民。這樣的話, 從一個北大教授, 牛津大學博士的嘴裡講出來, 還真讓人難以置信。而作專訪的聯合報記者李志德, 居然也可以笨到沒聽出話裡的含意, 就這樣發了一篇沒觀點無立場的新聞稿, 再次說明了台灣主流媒體病入膏肓的程度。

張維迎其實不是北大第一個公開發言歧視中下階層民眾的教授。在今年四月初, 北大的孫東東教授, 在談起』信訪者』 （進京向中央政府陳情的民眾）時曾說: 『上訪者百分之九十九都是偏執型的神經病患者，應該送到精神病院治療。』 這句話不但迅速引爆抗議潮, 也再次讓人了解到北大已經墮落到什麼程度。

其實, 北大的學術地位自從六四以來就快速衰落。連以往引以為傲的社會人文科學領域, 也早已遠遠的被拋在北京清華大學之後。這幾天台灣的媒體說, 台大對於頒發』台大北大雙聯學位』的提議樂觀其成。我還真希望這只是記者亂寫, 可千萬別成了事實才好。

Political ecology has undergone a number of significant transformations since its origination in the early-1970s. In her introduction to Reimagining Political Ecology, Aleta Biersack (2006: 4-5) noted that today’s political ecology is distinguished by five theoretical re-orientations:  a recognition of discursive productions of “reality”, a move away from the nature/culture dualism towards hybridized conceptions of nature, a shift from a solely systems-based or local focuses to an emphasis on dynamic local-global interactions, an engagement with agency and “practice theory”, and an analysis of how diverse forms of social inequality affect human-nature relations. As Biersack also wrote of the diverse approaches to political ecology at the millennium, “the turn of any century is a time for taking stock” (5). This session seeks to add to this review, presenting research and engaging with the nascent political ecologies of today and tomorrow. From fields as diverse as health and education to urban planning and waste management, scholars are increasingly examining the nexus between politics, understood broadly, and human/environmental relations. Similarly, analyses are no longer limited to the “third world,” but are increasingly turning towards previously unexplored phenomena in “developed” nations. Papers are sought for this session that illuminate these new political ecologies, whether through innovative theoretical and/or methodological approaches. To be considered for this session, please send your paper abstracts, 250 words maximum, to David Meek (dmeek@uga.edu) by July 26th, 2009.

前一篇簡單陳述ANT關於打破[自然-社會]二元分化的論點.不過上一篇的論點似乎著重在[network]的討論,ANT的另一重要元素:actor,則還未提及.本篇就以actor為重點再次淺談一下ANT.

首先,在[社會-自然]二元分化的架構裡,行動者(actor)之所以能[付諸行動](to act),是因為行動者本身擁有一種[內在力量](intrinsic power).這層[內在力量]加上自身的[意志](intentionality),兩者結合才能進一步有[行動](action)的發生.因此,intrinsic power與intentionality成了定義actor的必要條件.在這樣的必要條件下,似乎只有[人](human)才能成為actor to act. 而ANT正是要破除這種把[人]當作唯一的actor to act的思考.

地理學家Sarah Whatmore在她的書Hybrid Geographies裡,針對理解ANT中的actor(行動者)與action有精要的闡釋.ANT認為不管是actor或action都必須藉由網絡(network)來理解與定義,行動者(actor)可以是所謂[社會的],[自然的],或者更確切的說,是socionatural; 而行動(action)並不需要經由intentionality來定義.所以[人]在ANT裡並不是唯一的actor,因為行動(action)的本身是藉由[人](human)跟[非人](non-human)的網絡關係建立起來的,因而網絡裡的各個因子,包括human跟non-human,都成為必要的actors.這也是為什麼ANT有時候偏好使用actant來取代actor,原因就在actant網羅二元論下所謂社會的與自然的各種因子,並不把[人]放到較高的位階,同時擺脫以intentionality來定義行動者的陰影.

這麼一來,ANT又如何解釋[能動性](agency)這樣的概念咧?同樣的,ANT回歸到[網絡]來理解並重新詮釋[能動性].既然actor或actant本身可以是人(human)與非人(non-human)的各種因子,同時[意志](intentionality)也不是解釋[行動]的必要條件,ANT於是以網絡裡各actor/actant的[關係性](relationality)來解釋agency.也就是說,[能動性](agency)是不同actor/actant間藉由網絡的串連而產生的,是一種[關係性的效應](relational effect).因此,能動性並不單獨存在於各個獨立的actor/actant,而是必須藉由網絡,因為不同的[人]與[非人]因子的連結而起作用.所以當置於網絡外時,actor或actant並不[擁有]能動性,而actor或actant能動性的發揮,也因為在不同的網絡,不同的連結,在不同的時空脈絡裡,產生不同的作用.所以說,ANT定義裡的actor/actant是複合的(multiple),權變的(contingent),非本質性的(non-essentialist).

又這麼一來,ANT怎麼看待[權力](power)這檔事咧?關於ANT與權力的關係,請待下回分解囉!